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Home International Law

Top Expert Backgrounder: Aborted U.S. Strike, Cyber Operation Against Iran and International Law

Dominick Rios by Dominick Rios
August 24, 2025
in International Law
0

On June 20, the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps used a surface-to-air missile to shoot down an MQ-4 Triton, a Navy version of the Global Hawk, over or near the Strait of Hormuz. The Global Hawk is an excessive altitude, long-patience RPA (remotely piloted aircraft, colloquially a “drone”) equipped with a noticeably advanced sensor suite that operates in any weather, day or night, to provide ISR (intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance) abilities. The Navy version turned into downed performs a “Broad Area Maritime Surveillance (BAMS-D)” ISR project.

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The incident follows the heels of the US pulling out of a multilateral nuclear agreement and reimposing financial sanctions last year, and alleged attacks using the Revolutionary Guard, the usage of limpet mines against Norwegian and Japanese-flagged tankers in the Gulf of Oman on 13 June. The shootdown precipitated the US to devise moves on Iran using cruise missiles and human-crewed planes, with tensions already excessive. However, in keeping with tweets from President Trump, the day after, the drone changed into a downed,social-picture Twitter icon, Reddit icon.

On June 20, the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps used a surface-to-air missile to shoot down an MQ-4 Triton, a Navy version of the Global Hawk, over or close to the Strait of Hormuz. The Global Hawk is an excessive altitude, lengthy-persistence RPA (remotely piloted aircraft, colloquially a “drone”) prepared with a pretty superior sensor suite that operates in any climate, day or night, to provide ISR (intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance) capabilities. The Navy model that was downed performs a “Broad Area Maritime Surveillance (BAMS-D)” ISR venture.

The incident follows America’s heels pulling out of a multilateral nuclear settlement and reimposing financial sanctions remaining year, and alleged attacks by way of the Revolutionary Guard using limpet mines in opposition to Norwegian and Japanese-flagged tankers in the Gulf of Oman in June. With tensions already high, the shootdown caused the USA to devise moves on Iran, employing cruise missiles and human-crewed aircraft. However, consistent with tweets from President Trump the day after the drone changed into downed,

Ashley Deeks and Scott Anderson have authored super pieces on Lawfare discussing the prison questions surrounding the maritime assaults (Deeks) and the shootdown (Deeks and Anderson), even as Brian Egan and Tess Bridgeman have masterfully deconstructed the domestic legal worries raised by way of the canceled U.S. Reaction. In this publish, I build on their analysis via inspecting the worldwide regulation problems implicated using the aborted U.S. Moves, zeroing in at the jus advert bellum (the law that governs the lodge to pressure using States) and global humanitarian law (IHL – the regulation governing how operations are conducted in the course of an armed war). First, the basics. States are prohibited from using force against other States by Article 2(4) of the UN Charter and standard international law. There are, however, 3 universally widespread exceptions to this prohibition – consent of the other State, UN Security Council authorization or mandate to use force under Chapter VII of the Charter, and the right of the person and collective self-protection mediated in each of the Charter’s Article fifty-one and customary law. Other possible bases for the use of pressure and humanitarian intervention and rescue of nationals overseas are much less properly settled as a matter of law and no longer apply factually in this situation.

Unfortunately, much of the discussion surrounding the U.S. Strikes has been framed in terms of retaliation. To be clear, retaliation is a tit-for-tat use of pressure and is unlawful in international regulation. What isn’t clear is whether or not the President and others use the term loosely to explain a US reaction or genuinely trust that retaliation is a lawful foundation for the usage of pressure against another State. If the former, they must be more cautious, as rhetoric can prove escalators. If the latter, they’re without a doubt incorrect.

Iran did not consent to US strikes, and the UN has not authorized navy action in response to the oil tanker assaults or the downing of the US drone. Accordingly, the best possible foundation for a U.S. Use of pressure in opposition to Iran is self-defense.

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